Sunday, January 24, 2021

AKINTOLA TAAKU" (AKINTOLA REMAIN Adamant)




It was three o’clock in the morning. 

The telephone rang in the Governor’s official residence in Ibadan. 

Oba Sir. Adesoji Aderemi: The Ooni of Ife (Governor of Western Region) 


Who could be calling the Governor at this time of the day? 


 The Governor was told it was someone from Lagos and the caller insisted that he must speak with the Governor personally. The caller said it was urgent and important.


The Governor of Western Region, Oba Tadenikawo Adesoji Aderemi, the Ooni of Ile-Ife, answered the phone. 


His Royal Highness recognized the voice on the other end. It was the voice of a royalty, a prince, a jurist and a Knight of the British Empire. 


The caller was His Lordship Sir Adetokunbo Ademola, the Chief Justice of the Federation.


“Kabiyesi, may I respectfully advise Your Majesty to vacate the Government House immediately.”


Oba Aderemi thought it must be a joke, and an expensive one at that. Vacate the Government House? And immediately too? 


As if reading His Majesty’s mind, Justice Ademola assured Kabiyesi that it was not a false alarm and that the Arole Oodua might be forcibly ejected from the Government House before the end of the day if he failed to leave. 


His Lordship was calling because as a prince himself he didn’t want Kabiyesi, and by extension, the throne of Oodua, to be disrespected.


Kabiyesi did not bother to sleep again. Ilo ya, Onibode Apomu! He summoned his staff and with dignified calm and regal fortitude as befits the Oonirisa, the Arole Oodua directed them to pack his personal belongings. 


By 10 am, Baba Tejumade was on his way to his Royal Throne in the ancient city of Ile-Ife.


What could have caused the Ooni, the Supreme Representative of Oduduwa, the founder of Yoruba race to be asked to leave the Government House in the middle of the night. 


It was barely two years ago that history was made when he was appointed the Governor of Western Region, the first indigenous governor in black Africa and the Commonwealth.


It was indeed a joyous occasion for the whole of Yoruba race. 


Iya Agba told me that they were on the farm in Aba Alaro when Baba Dauda brought the news from Ife. They all abandoned the village and trooped to the Palace. 


Haruna Ishola, the father of Apala music, released an album to mark the momentous occasion in which he sang:


“Ìjoba Westan Naijiriya won n pon oba le, Ooni je gomina, Dudupariola Baba Tejumade, Kofoworola Omo Adekunbi…”


[Western Region Government of Nigeria dignifies Royalty, the Ooni is appointed the Governor, the handsome Ebony who begets Tejumade; Ooni who did't buy his honour, the son of Adekunbi]


Now, Kabiyesi was being ‘advised’ to vacate the Governor’s Lodge! 

What could have gone wrong? That midnight or early morning call was like no other call. 


It was the call that would alter both the political and legal landscapes of Nigeria forever. 


The call was the climax of events which had begun as drizzle in 1960. 


By the time the call came in 1962, the drizzle had become torrential rainfall. Let's go back to 1960.


Cracks began to appear on the walls of the Action Group immediately after Chief Ladoke Akintola became the premier. 


He was sworn in by the Governor, Oba Tadenikawo Adesoji Aderemi.


In deference to the exalted throne and position of Oba Adesoji, the newly installed Premier took off his cap to shake hands with the Governor-King. It was a vintage expression of Yoruba tradition! Oba lo ba lori ohun gbogbo!


Following series of political actions and decisions taken by the new Premier who was also the Deputy Leader of the Party, it dawned on Chief Obafemi Awolowo, the Leader of the Party that Chief Akintola was “determined to run the show alone regardless of accepted Party conventions and procedure”.


These actions, according to Chief Awolowo, include the unilateral appointment of Ministers into the Cabinet of Western Region, reduction in the price of cocoa, reducing flat-rate tax from an average of #4.17.6d, exemption of women from taxation, and increases in Assumed Local Contributions in Western Nigeria’s secondary grammar schools, amongst others.


More importantly, Chief Akintola was of the view that the experiment of separating the leadership of the Party from the leadership of the Government in the Western Region had failed. 


What was left unsaid was that the Premier ought to be the Leader of the Party.


Chief Obafemi Awolowo

By the time the Party came back from its Jos Convention, it was clear to all and sundry that the festering wound of the Action Group had become an open sore.


Agba kii wa loja ki ori omo tuntun wo. Elders won't allow the neck of a newborn to go askew. 


On February 9, 1962, the Ooni of Ife, Oba Adesoji Aderemi called a peace meeting of the party leaders in order to resolve the differences between the two great men. 


The Ooni was supported in this regard by some leading Obas and Chiefs in the region. The meeting however failed to conclusively effect a settlement.


It was becoming apparent that something must give. 


Àgbò meji ko le mu omi ninu koto kan naa. It is impossible for two rams to peacefully drink from the same saucer at the same time. 


On May 19, 1962, at a meeting of the Executive Committee of the Action Group, Chief Obafemi Awolowo levelled three charges against Chief Ladoke Akintola. 


The Leader accused the Deputy Leader of maladministration, anti-party activities, and indiscipline. 



In support of the charges, Awolowo spoke for four hours. In his defence, Akintola denied the charges and spoke for three hours.


The jury of party executives listened to both the plaintiff and the defendant. A motion calling on Akintola to resign as the Premier was moved. 

The defendant’s group moved a counter-motion for the Premier to only be reprimanded and not removed. The counter-motion was defeated. 


The motion for the premier to resign was carried by 81 to 29! The meeting had lasted for 11 straight hours!


The party leadership waited patiently for Akintola’s letter of resignation. No letter was forthcoming. 


A ti ki òjé bo oloosa lowo, o ku baba eni ti o bo. Who is going to remove the charmed bracelet from the wrist of a chief priest? 

Akintola called a Press Conference and announced that he was not going to resign his post as the Premier. 


Instead of a letter of resignation, the embattled premier wrote two letters. 

The first letter was to the Ooni, asking the Governor to dissolve the House of Assembly. 


The second letter was to the Speaker of the House calling for an emergency meeting of the House for a vote of confidence or otherwise.


The Ooni and the Speaker were perplexed. 

How could the House be dissolved and a meeting of the House still be called at the same time? 


O pe laye, oju re ko ni ri ibi, ikan ni eniyan yoo fi owo mu. It is either you live long and witness unsavoury things or die young 

and experience nothing. It was either for the House to be dissolved or for a meeting of the House to be called.


Awolowo was a legal practitioner. Akintola was a legal practitioner. 

They were both brilliant men trained in the finest tradition of the British Bar. 

They were both familiar with the Constitution of the Federation of Nigeria and the Constitution of Western Region 

(Yes, the Regions had their own constitutions then). 


They were also familiar with the common law of England as well as parliamentary practices in the Commonwealth. 

The question before Awolowo and the Party was how could a premier be removed from office? 


The issue before Akintola and his group was whether a premier could be removed from office.


Awolowo knew that a barber needed another barber to barb his hair. He did the most natural thing. 


He requested two of the most brilliant legal minds in the Region to prepare a legal advisory for the Party. Chief Rotimi Williams, 

the Legal Adviser of Action Group and Mr. S. O. Ighodaro, the Attorney General of the Western Region accepted the assignment.


The two legal giants spent sleepless nights consulting books of laws from various jurisdictions. 

The contentious provision itself was simply worded. It was the proviso to section 33(10) of the Constitution of Western Nigeria which provides that:


“The Governor shall not remove the Premier from office unless it appears to him that the Premier no longer commands the support of a majority 

of the members of the House of Assembly.”


Simple? Not quite!


The duo of Williams and Ighodaro were of the firm opinion (your lawyer will tell you that there is a difference between an opinion and a firm opinion) that the operative words in the provision were ‘unless it appears to him’. 


The legal experts concluded that as long as it appeared to the Governor in any form or format, the premier could be removed. 

It did not even have to be on the floor of the House.


Armed with this legal advice, a form was prepared and members of the House who wanted Akintola to be removed as the Premier 

appended their signature. They were 66 in number.  


The form was sent to the Governor, His Royal Majesty, the Ooni of Ife.


Based on the signatures of 66 members out of 112 as contained in the form forwarded to the King, it then appeared to the Governor 

that the Premier no longer commanded the support of a majority of the members of the House of Assembly. 


The Governor exercised his constitutional power!


Sir Adesoji Aderemi removed Chief Ladoke Akintola as the Premier!


Akintola was in the Premier’s Office when he was served with a letter from the Governor removing him from office. 

The premier who had just been removed as the premier did three things immediately he finished reading the letter.


He called a Press Conference to inform the world that he was still the premier.


He then called on the Prime Minister, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, to remove Sir Adesoji Aderemi as the Governor.


Finally he filed an action in court to restrain the Governor from removing him from office.


The Awolowo group was also not idle. 

Immediately they were informed that the Governor’s letter had been delivered to the ‘ex-premier’, the party’s Parliamentary Group 

elected Akintola’s Minister of Local Government, Alhaji Dauda Soroye Ishola Adegbenro, as the new premier of Western Region. 


The Governor was informed of the new appointment. 

Oba Adesoji Aderemi accepted the recommendation and His Royal Majesty promptly administered the oath of office to the new Premier. 


Alhaji Dauda Adegbenro, the Ekerin of Egbaland and the Balogun of Owu, had become the Premier! 

The Commissioner of Police soon arrived. He pledged his services to the new Premier.


The Commissioner of Police was just leaving the newly installed premier when a signal came from Lagos. 

He was directed to ‘forthwith withdraw his services, and should take no instructions whatsoever from Adegbenro’.


The people of Western Region woke up on that fateful day in May to find out that they had two Premiers. 

On one hand was Chief Akintola who was claiming that his removal as the Premier was ineffectual. 


On the other hand was Alhaji Adegbenro who had just been sworn in as the Premier and who had appointed his cabinet members.


Akintola Ta ku [Akintola Remains Adamant] was the headline of The Daily Times.


Across the Atlantic, the New York Times came out with a banner headline: Nigerian Leader Resists Ouster: Fights Removal 

As Premier of Western Region. According to the paper: “Samuel L. Akintola has stubbornly refused to accept his dismissal as 

Premier of Nigeria’s Western Region.”


 On May 23, 1962, the Western Region High Court in Ibadan was filled to capacity. It was the case of the century. 

The Governor had removed the Premier. 


In turn, the Premier had asked the Prime Minister to sack the Governor. 

The new Premier, Alhaji Adegbenro, was however not a party to the case at this stage.


The Chief Justice of the Western Region then was My Lord Justice Samuel Quarshie-Idun. 

(At the time, head judges of the regions were also called Chief Justices. They are now addressed as Chief Judges). 


Of course you know Mr. Justice Quarshie-Idun now. That was the trial judge in the case of Adegoke Adelabu! Ha! You remember him now! 


His Lordship was however not in Ibadan at the time the suit was filed. 

The CJ was on tour of the Midwest area of Western Region. Justice Olujide Somolu quickly sent message to His Lordship to come back to 

Ibadan for the very important case. 


Chief Akintola’s legal team was led by a Queen’s Counsel, Chief Ladipo Moore, the brilliant son of the legendary lawyer, Eric Olawolu Moore. 

(You know Eric Moore Road in Surulere, Lagos? The street is named after the formidable advocate). 


Eric Moore’s daughter, Miss Kofoworola Moore (later Lady Ademola), was married to Sir Adetokunbo Ademola, the Chief Justice of the Federation. Lady Ademola was reputed to be the first black African woman to earn a degree from Oxford University.


The Ooni was also represented by a Queen's Counsel, the indomitable Rotimi Williams whose brilliance was unparalleled. 

Of him, Chief Awolowo said: "Timi's output, in any assignment, was always as big as his physical stature."


The proceedings had hardly begun when Chief Akintola’s counsel fired the first salvo. 


Chief Moore objected to the competence of Chief Williams to appear for Sir Adesoji Aderemi. The Court agreed with his submission. 

Chief Williams was refused permission to continue to act as counsel for the Ooni. 


The Governor promptly instructed another brilliant counsel, Barrister Akinyele to lead his defence.


It was at this stage that Chief Ladipo Moore advised his client on the need for them to join Alhaji Adegbenro as a Defendant. 

Immediately he was joined, Alhaji Adegbenro filed a counter-claim against Chief Akintola. 


It was now a case of Two Premiers and a Governor! Where would the pendulum swing?


Whilst the case was going on, Alhaji Adegbenro had moved into the Premier’s Office. 

He had started functioning as the Premier and he was also using the Premier’s official car. 


In fact, when he was later restricted under the Emergency Regulations, it was the official car of the premier that took him to Osogbo, 

his place of restriction.


On the adjourned day, Chief Moore argued his application for injunction to restrain Sir Adesoji Aderemi from purporting to relieve 

Chief Ladoke Akintola of his office as premier in the absence of a resolution of the House of Assembly.  


The motion was opposed by Mr. Akinyele who argued that to the extent that Chief Akintola was no longer the premier, there was nothing 

for the court to restrain. It was classical advocacy at its best.


His Lordship listened to the arguments from the two brilliant advocates. It was indeed a very difficult case. 

The Court then made two rulings. 


In respect of Chief Akintola’s motion, His Lordship granted the injunction prayed for by the man who would later become the Aare Ona Kakanfo of Yorubaland. Justice Quarshie-Idun ordered Alhaji Adegbenro not to assume the office of Premier. 


In other words, Chief Akintola was to continue in office. At least, pending the determination of the suit itself.


 With regard to the substantive suit, the Chief Justice referred the case to the Supreme Court because of its grave constitutional importance.


At the Supreme Court, it became a battle Royale! 

The apex Court itself admitted that it was being “called to perform a difficult duty.” Something like that had never happened before. 

There was no precedent to be followed.


The Supreme Court then did something. It invited all the Attorneys General in the country to appear as amici curiae.

We had already explained the meaning of this expression in Sunny Ade’s story. 


It was however only the Eastern Nigeria Attorney General that sent his Solicitor General to assist the court.


Four Lord Justices sat to hear the case. 

Sir Adetokunbo Ademola, a Prince of Abeokuta and a Knight of the British Empire, presided as the Chief Justice of the Federation. 


Also on the panel was Honourable Mr. Justice Lionel Brett, a World War II veteran, who was the last expatriate to serve as Nigeria’s Solicitor General. Mr. Justice Idowu Taylor was also on the panel. 


The Magistrate Court Complex at Igbosere, Lagos is named after him. Another Knight, Sir Vahe Bairamian, was the fourth Justice.


The question before the Court was whether the Governor could remove the Premier based on a letter signed by a body of members 

of the House and not as a result of a vote of no confidence on the floor of the House. 


In other words, how would it appear to the Governor that the premier no longer enjoyed the support of the majority of parliamentarians?


After exhaustive deliberations, My Lord Justice Adeokunbo Ademola held that the Governor exceeded his constitutional powers. 

According to His Lordship: “The Governor cannot validly exercise power to remove the Premier from office except in consequence 

of proceedings on the floor of the House.” 


Justices Taylor and Bairamian agreed with His Lordship.


My Lord Justice Brett, the World War II veteran, was however unable to agree with the reasoning of the majority. 


In his dissenting judgment, the former Solicitor General of Nigeria held that: “the Constitution does not preclude the Governor 

from acting on any information which he considers reliable.”


Chief Akintola’s group erupted with happiness. Official’s Removal Reversed in Nigeria screamed the New York Times’ headline of July 8, 1962.


Chief Akintola, the master linguist, didn’t allow the moment to go without poking fun at his opponent. 

The middle name of Alhaji Adegbenro is Soroye which could be literally interpreted to mean ‘do you see honourary title?’.  


According to various accounts, Chief Akintola quipped: Sóoróyè kii je oye. Yio ma roye ni, ko ni je oye. (‘Do you see honourary title can only see title but he cannot become a titleholder.

 Adelabu’s story that the Federal Supreme Court was not the final court of appeal at the time. 

Alhaji Adegbenro appealed to the Privy Council in London.


On May 27, 1963, the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council delivered its judgment. 

Five Lord Justices heard the appeal which had come all the way from the Federal Supreme Court of Nigeria.


I hope you recall that Chief Rotimi Williams and Mr. Ighodaro had opined that the Governor could exercise his power to remove the 

Premier as long he was convinced that the premier no longer commanded majority support. 


I hope you also remember that the dissenting judgment of Brett FJ agreed with this reasoning. That’s good. It shows that you are following me.


The Privy Council held that the Federal Supreme Court misapplied the law. 

The PC agreed with the legal opinion of Chief Williams and Mr. Ighodaro. 


The Council therefore allowed the appeal and reversed the majority decision of Ademola, Bairamian and Taylor. 

The council upheld the minority decision of Brett FJ. 


In effect, the Council held that Oba Adesoji Aderemi exercised his power to remove Akintola constitutionally!


Adegbenro has won!


The Privy Council did not stop there. 

It also directed Chief Akintola to pay Alhaji Adegbenro the sum of #1,140:8s: 5d as the costs incurred in prosecuting his case 

from Nigeria to the United Kingdom.


This time around, it was the turn of Alhaji Adegbenro’s group to erupt with joy!


But it was a short-lived joy. 

As the Privy Council Lord Justices were signing off on their judgment in London, something was happening back home in Nigeria. 

On the same day, the Western House of Assembly amended its constitution.


I hope you have not forgotten that the decision of both the Supreme Court and the Privy Council was based on the proviso to section 33 (10) 

which had quoted above. 


Minutes after the Privy Council had announced its decision, the provision was amended by adding the following phrase: “…in consequence 

of the passing of a resolution in the House of Assembly by a majority of the members of that House”.


That’s not all. The amendment was also backdated by three years. It was deemed to have taken effect from October 1960! 

I hope you are not becoming confused with the legal theatrics. 


In other words, the decision of the Governor taken in 1962 was now null and void because it was not in consequence of the passing 

of a resolution in the House of Assembly by a majority of the members of that House! 


The decision of the Privy Council delivered in 1963 was also of no legal effect.


The long and short of it is that Chief Akintola had never been removed as the Premier! Legally speaking!


Adegbenro had scored his goal in London. 

Unfortunately, the goal post had been moved in Ibadan. Ibadan lo mo, o mo láyípo!


That however was not the end of the story.


Alhaji Adegbenro, the Ekerin Egba, had lost the premiership but he was not about to lose the costs awarded in his favour 

by the Privy Council. 


He filed an application at the Supreme Court of Nigeria for the Court to direct the Premier to pay him his costs. 

He was represented this time by Chief Akin Olugbade. Chief Akintola was represented by Chief Moore.


Chief Akintola argued that he should not pay any costs because his government had nullified the decision of the Privy Council. 

The court disagreed. The apex court found merit in the application of Alhaji Adegbenro. 


After all, aya òle la n gba, ko si eni ti o n gba omo òle. A lazy man can only lose his wife and not his child. 


The court ordered Chief Akintola to pay Alhaji Adegbenro the costs incurred in the Supreme Court of Nigeria and the sum of #1,140:8s: 5d 

being the costs of his appeal to Privy Council in England. 

 Chief Akintola paid the costs.


The story did not end there…


You are wondering why appeals were still being taken to the Privy Council notwithstanding Nigeria's status as an independent country. 


It was because the country remained a Commonwealth Realm with the Queen as her Head of State. Nigeria was not yet a republic.


Following the decision in the Akintola case, Nigerian Government felt the time had come to become a full republic. 


Ti a ba fi agbo fun egun, a fi okun re le ni. When you give a ram to the masquerade, you ought to leave the rope. 


Why was Her Majesty still holding on to the rope after giving us the ram? The time had come to cut the political umbilical cord. 


The 1963 Republican Constitution was promulgated. 

With that singular act, Nigeria became a Republic and appeal to Privy Council was abolished. 


The Supreme Court became the final court of appeal for the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

Monday, December 28, 2020

HISTORICAL RECONSTRUCTION OF ỌFFA, KWARA STATE




1.0 INTRODUCTION 

Today, Ọ̀ffà is distinguished with five phenomena in Yorùbá lands:
It is the head of Ibọlọ land/dialect of Ọ̀yọ́ (Ibọlọ starts from Ìwo in present-day Ọsun State tó Ajashẹ-Ipòo in Kwara State. The former is Ifẹ Town, being founded by Telu, the firstborn of Luwo, the 21st Ọọni of Ifẹ and the latter is considered Gateway to Ìgbómìnà Kingdom. I have written on both).  
Ọranmiyan's descendants were divided into four (4) distinct families by their dialects. These formed the four provinces of Ọ̀yọland́: Ẹkun Ọtun, Ẹkun Osi, Epó and Ibọlọ provinces. The Ibọlọ, which Ọ̀ffà belongs and subsequently become the Head, lies to the South-East of Ẹkun Osi towns. Prominent towns in this province were: Irẹsa, Ọ̀ffà, Ọyan, Òkùkù, Ikirun, Osogbo, Ido Ọsun, Ilobu, Ejigbo and Ẹ̀dẹ̀. All these, except Ọ̀ffà, are in present-day Ọsun state, South-West, Nigeria.


2. After Ifẹ and Ìjẹ̀sà, the noun Ọ̀ffà is the most likely used as prefix for Towns/Villages heterogeneously in Yorùbá. I gathered 16. These are all historically connected to the present Ọ̀ffà (Ọ̀ffà Arìnlolu/Ilé): 
Ọ̀ffà-Maíkà
Ọ̀ffà Ora
Ọ̀ffàtẹdo (founded by Ọba Adégbóye; its history would be subsequently treated)
Ọ̀ffà Baba Ìsàlẹ̀ 
Ọ̀̀ffà Àtìpẹ 
Ọ̀ffà Igbo (D, E and F are now areas in Ìbàdàn, Ọ̀yọ́ State) 
Ọ̀ffà Igbolotu (defunct)
Ọ̀ffà Ọfun (also called Ọ̀ffà Ọjaka)
Ọ̀ffà Irese (used to be beside Ìgbàja. Read my submission on Irese and Olú Òjé ancestries)
Ilọfa (also in Kwara State)
Ọ̀ffà Èésun (near the Naval School) 
Ìsàlẹ̀ Ọ̀ffà in Òkùkù, Ọsun State (also founded by Ọba Adégbóye; its history would be subsequently treated)
Ọ̀ffà Igbó-Oro (close to the present-day Ọlọffa Palace)
Ọ̀ffà Ikose (near the present town of Ilẹmọna) 
Alairin family in Ikẹrẹ-Èkìtì in presentday Èkìtì State
Ìsàlẹ̀ Ọ̀ffà in Ìgbayé (Odò-Ọtin Local Government of Ọsun State) 

3. Ọffa is a hub of western education. It is said to be second to Èkìtì in production of highest number of professors in Yorùbá land. Moreover, today, Ọffa is the only town with the highest number of tertiary institutions in Kwara state: 4 universities; (two proposed) 4 polytechnics, 1 Health Technology, 1 Naval School and 2 colleges of Education (1 is affiliation center). 
University Of Offa [Proposed]
Summit University 
Ebenezer University [Proposed]
NOUN University 
The Federal Polytechnic [FEDPOFFA]
Graceland Polytechnic
Lens Polytechnic 
Metropolitan Polytechnic 
Ila Ọ̀ràngun Study Centre
PAN Africa College of Education
Kwara State Health Technology

4. Ọ̀ffà is the second most populated town in Kwara State after Ilọrin, the capital, with a population of about 113,830 or more inhabitants. 

5. It is the headquarters of Ọ̀ffà Local Government in Kwara State. The only town to be solely made LG in the state. 

Offa is well known for cultivation of sweet potatoes, yam and maize. The two aforementioned are (with peacock) are totemic symbols of Ọffa, as evident in one of her eulogy being addressed as the home of sweet potatoes and yams were the cause of the wrestling between the two brothers that's latterly regarded as tradition of Ọffa. Ìjàkadì Lóró Ọ̀ffà. 
Also, the town is noted for its weaving and dyeing trade, using vegetable dyes made from locally grown indigo and other plants. Hence the Oríkì: 
Ọmọ ojú tí dáro dáro Onimọka 
Ó dáro tán, ọwọ rẹ dúdú. 
Arò dúdú, arò ó yà bù mu
Arò dúdú, arò ó yà bù wẹ 
Arò dúdú, arò ó yà bù bọju........ 

1.1: OFFA AND LITERATURE
Ọ̀ffà's rich history is comprehensively documented in a book written by James Bukoye Ọlafimihan, an educationist and clergyman, titled 'Ìwé Ìtàn Ọ̀ffà', literally translated The Book of the History of Ọffa. It was the earliest historical attempt on Ọ̀ffà. 
Another full effort is 'Ọlọfamọjọ: A Socio-Cultural Political History of the People of Ọ̀ffà' by Raheem A. Lateef in 2009. It is published by NNI Publishers Ltd in Ilọrin, Kwara State Capital. I read the book's copy of Chief Onikoyi of Ọffa and owner of Mayor Rentals who is a retired Custom Officer. 
Other books are: 'Augustus Bandele Oyèdiran: A Life Lived For Others' [by Akinjide Ọsuntokun, Babajimi Fasẹkẹ and Tẹ́nìọla in 2013], J. S. Olawoyin’s My Political Reminiscences 1948 – 1983, L. A. K Jimoh’s ILORIN: The Journey So far, Path of Destiny [by Professor Jimoh Mosobalaje Oyawoye] partly trace Ọ̀ffà histories. 
Ọ̀ffà is the home of the legendary Mọremi, who was responsible for the defeat of the frequent Ugbo of Ilajẹ ẹsẹ Odò in present-day Òndó State who raided Ifẹ. This has been discussed in my submission titled, "THE CRADLE: ILÉ-IFẸ̀, ODÙDUWÀ AND THE YORÙBÁ" (1-3).
 
1.2: GEOGRAPHICAL AND HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF OFFA 
Geographically, Ọ̀ffà is centrally located in the midst and middle of many neighboring towns like Erin-Ilé in the south, Ijagbo  (read my historical reconstruction of Ijagbo and on Aláran ancestry) in the north, Igosun and Ìpẹẹ̀ in the east and Ilẹmọna, Iraa (read my submission on this town and some part of Ọ̀̀yọ́ ancestry where I mentioned Ọya), Ìkọ́tun (this is Ìkọ́tun Ilé, its subordinate in Lagos is Orílè Ìkọ́tun aboriginally) and Ojoku in the west. 
Ọ̀ffà as a city found in Kwara, Nigeria is located 8.15 latitude and 4.72 longitude and it is situated at elevation 419 meters above sea level. It operates on the WAT time zone which means that it follows the same time zone as Ilọrin, Kwara State Capital. It lies along the rail road from Lagos and at the intersection of roads from Ilọrin town, Lafiaji and Ikirun. 

This sub-chapter discusses the settlement, geography and historical background of Offa. Also, it provides an overview of the people occupying the area, the good climatic condition of Offa which endears it to foreigners, etc. Thus, it is an attempt to provide comprehensive historical background of Offa from the earliest time.
This equally highlights the efforts made by the founder of Offa, Olalomi Olofagangan, to establish a formidable town, which served as a reference point for the successive kings irrespective of incessant ransack/persecutions faced in the hands of attackers.

A. The Geographical Location of Offa in Kwara State 
Offa is located on the south-east of Ilorin, the capital of Kwara State. The town is situated on longitude 50o East and latitude 80o North. Offa is bounded to the south by Ijagbo; to the north by Erin-Ile; to the east by Ira; and to the west by Ipee. It is about 56 kilometres from Ilorin, 20 kilometres away from Ira, and also, about 3 kilometres from Erin-Ile. There is no clear cut boundary between Ijagbo and Offa because houses are built on both sides. Demarcation could be ascertained through signposts and statutory papers endorsed by the Ministry of Land and Survey for clear boundary demarcation between the two communities. 
Offa is situated on a gentle plateau of about 1,429 feet (408.9m) above sea level. It has, indeed, been aptly described as a watershed between the Ogun-Osun River Basin and Niger Basin. It is also situated 215 miles (344km) on the south-west (SW) rail line from Lagos. It is regarded, geographically, as a “gap town” and has been a major Railway Depot Station since 1956 when the railway station was upgraded from corrugated iron sheet building to a full-fledged office.
The climate in Offa is divided into two seasons the rainy season, characterised by heavy rainfalls, which usually start from April and end in October, with little showers to mark the end of the rains in early November and the dry season characterized by excessive sunshine, leading to the hot and dry climatic conditions in the area. It usually starts in late November and ends in March.  

B. The Historical Origin of Offa
Going by the history lane, though, strenuous efforts were made to obtain reliable archival records from various sources as there were controversies surrounding the exact year of its existence. A source has it that Ọ̀ffà was first settled around AD 1000. While another source documented it to have been around 1395, A.B.O.O (2013) speculates "around 1350". If analyzed with the year 1448 which Ọlalọmi expired, 1395 is probable. 
Be it as it may, none ever debunked the fact that Offa was founded by Ọlalọmi Olúlákun Ọlọ́fangangan who happened to be a crown prince from Ọ̀̀yọ́. He was a direct descendant of Ọranmiyan. He is a descendant of Ọranmiyan from the maternal side. His mother’s name (Tapa name) sounds like Yanrin, same pronunciation as a kind of Yorùbá vegetable. Hence, Ọ̀ffà considered it sacrilegious to call Yanrin by name. In Oríkì Ọ̀ffà, it is said "Èése tẹ le pe Yanrin lookọ (what can't you call Yanrin by name)? 

Adeboye (1967) gives the above line and explanation.

Over-time, Ọlalọmi was nicknamed Ọlọ́fa [a person who owns an arrow] which he usually carried around, hung on his shoulder ad side, conspicuously. Ọlọfa was a renowned hunter credited for his professionalism as an archer. For even those who did not see him physically, the name gives a mental picture of “Ọlọfa Gangan,’’ reflecting the way he moved around with his bow and arrow and his unrivalled prowess as a marksman in his various hunting expenditures in Yorùbá land.
 
He was to undertake a sojourn to a virgin land which was later named Ọ̀ffà, derived from Ọlọfa. Reasons behind his departure have been a cause of debate. Some say it might be a succession dispute. There is also possibility that he left on a game expedition. Or he left due to adventurous spirit. The trio was common in those days. 

His first established community was at the bank of a river known as Maika, on the way to Ira Town, in present-day Ọyun Local Government of Kwara state. It was called Ọ̀ffà-Maíkà, compound noun for both the arrow and the river. A sort of compromising name. He left Maíkà because of its unsuitability and relocated to Ilọfa. He deserted Ilọfa for Ọ̀ffà Ora, in the land of Nupe/Tapa, his mother land. 

He afterwards returned to Yorùbá side and found Ọ̀ffà Irese near Ìgbàjá in the present-day Ifẹlodun Local Government of Kwara state. The impact of Tapa (Nupe War) forced him to Ọ̀ffà Ikose, near the present town of Ilẹmọna. From here, his next destination was Ọ̀ffà Èésun, near the now Naval School in Ọ̀ffà. It was at Ọ̀ffà Èésun that Ọlalọmi  Ọlọfagangan died by 1448, as the first ruler of Ọffa (Ọlọffa), after he had successfully established a virile Ọ̀ffà Community.

After his demise, Ọlalọmi was succeeded by his eldest son, Olutide, who ruled from 1448-1491 (43 years). Olutide's reign was characterized by a period of peace, joy and prosperity. This peaceful period was however short-lived as the Nupe War resurfaced. This necessitated their move from Ọ̀ffà Èésun to Ọ̀ffà Igbolotu. 

Oluwole became the Ọlọffa at Igbolotu, after Nupe War ceased in 1526. Oba Oluwole later went back to Ọ̀ffà Èésun to bury his father, Ọba Olùgẹsinde (1491-1526), who ruled after Ọba Olutide. He gradually returned the Ọ̀ffà people to Èésun. 

Unfortunately, soon after their return, they were confronted with another problem - an invasion by mysterious giant rats. This made them relocate to Ọ̀ffà Igbolotu for the second time. 

While in Offa Igbolotu, Okunmolu (1567-1624) was installed as Ọlọffa after Ọba Oluwole's demise. It was during Okunmolu's reign that the people of Ọffa cultivated farms at a place known as Ọ̀ffà Igbó-Oro, close to the present-day Ọlọffa Palace. The farms at Igbó-Oro were ravaged by wild animals. This prompted the people to protect their farms with Oro, a sort of fetish guard. It is from this special guard that the place derived its name (Igbo-Oro: forest/farms protected by fetish guard). It is presently located behind the palace of the Ọlọffa of Ọffa, close to the stream of Odo-Ayaba.

Before people could peacefully settle at Igbó-Oro, the menace of giant rats resurfaced. The rats terrified and bit aged people while asleep. They absconded with small infants, whenever their mothers were out of sight. These rats forced people to shift a little further to a place known as Ọ̀ffà Arinlolu. This is the present day Ọ̀ffà. It also goes by the name Ọ̀ffà Ilé. 

The first set of people to move to Ọ̀ffà Arinlolu from Ọ̀ffà Eesun are known and the compound they established is called Asalọffa (they who run from Ọ̀ffà). The full appellation is A sa l'Ọffa Èésún (those who run from Ọ̀ffà Eésun {to Offa Arinlolu}).

It was after they migrated to this site (Ọ̀ffà Arinlolu) that Ọba Okunmolu died. The year was 1624.

Note that Ọ̀ffà Arinlolu has expanded to three more Ọ̀ffàs: Ọ̀ffà-Maíkà, Ọ̀ffà Èésun and Ọ̀ffà Igbó-Oro. Hence Ọ̀ffà Arinlolu is 4 in 1, in biblical language.

When referring to these journeys, Ọ̀ffà indigenes are praised:
Ilẹ́ yí ko gbaayé, a ko lo si Ọ̀ffà Maíkà
(This land [Ọ̀yọ́ Ilé] could not occupy us, we moved to Ọ̀ffà Maíkà) 
Nígbàtí Ọ̀ffà Maíkà ko gba wa mọ, a ko lọ sí Ọ̀ffà Irese
(When Ọ̀ffà Maíkà could not occupy us, we moved to Ọ̀ffà Irese) 
Nígbàtí Ọ̀ffà Irese ko gba wa mọ, a ko lọ sí Ọ̀ffà Ikose,
(When Ọ̀ffà Irese could not occupy us, we moved to Ọ̀ffà Ikose) 
Nígbàtí Ọ̀ffà Ikose ko gba wa mọ, a ko lọ sí Ọ̀ffà Èésun,
(When Ọ̀ffà Ikose could not occupy us, we moved to Ọ̀ffà Èésun) 
Nígbàtí Ọ̀ffà Èésun ko gba wa mọ, a ko lọ sí Ọ̀ffà Igbólotu
(When Ọ̀ffà Èésun could not occupy us, we moved to Ọ̀ffà Igbólotu) 
Nígbàtí Ọ̀ffà Igbólotu ko gba wa mọ, a padà sí Ọ̀ffà Èésun,
(When Ọ̀ffà Igbólotu could not occupy us, we returned to Ọ̀ffà Èésun)
Nígbàtí Ọ̀ffà Èésun ko tún gba wa mọ, a ko lọ sí Igbo-Oro
(When Ọ̀ffà Èésun could not occupy us, we moved to Ọ̀ffà Igbó Oro)
Nígbàtí Igbo-Oro ko gba wa mọ, a ko lọ sí Ọ̀ffà Àrínlolu
(When Ọ̀ffà Igbó Oro could not occupy us, we moved to Ọ̀ffà Àrínlolu)

Rahaman Adetunji Lateef, in his work Olofamojo A Socio-Cultural and Political History of The people of Offa, analyses the erroneous impression about Offa people regarding the settlement and re-settlement of Offa as a community engaged in incessant wars between her and the Nupes, and in the course of escape from natural causes such as the rat invasion. He says that, it has been alleged in some quarters that “Offa has no land”, and that she abandoned her land in entirety in the course of her resettlement(s). 
He further states that Offa currently occupies the land of her suburb towns like Erin-Ile. He argues that these allegations are totally misconstrued. 
His analysis provides historical evidences to the ownership of Offa land by saying that it is an incontrovertible fact that Olalomi Olofagangan first launched the first Offa community at “Maika” after years of hunting in the wilderness, which later became Offa town as earlier explained. He maintains that it could be authoritatively asserted that when Olalomi first settled at Maika, he met nobody or towns on the landmass in which he hunted for long time. The author’s analysis is relevant to this work because of the erroneous conceptions created in some quarters that Offa had no land to accommodate anything such as railway structure, hence  the people of Offa capitalized on the weakness of their neighbouring towns to carve out more land into their fold.  
Lateef equally gives a historical background of how the neighbouring towns met the founder of Offa at the onset and how most of these towns paid homage to him. There was no indication that he (founder of Offa) had to pay tribute or homage to anybody for the use of the land, and he did not have to seek the consent of anyone to settle on the virgin land, except the Alaafin of Oyo who authorised him to occupy part of Ibolo Division with his people. He argues that, if Olalomi had occupied a wrong land or was given land by any suburb towns to raise his home, he would have been compelled to pay tribute (isakole) to his landlord. No suburb towns, including Erin-Ile, had received isakole from the Olofa of Offa.  Rather, the Olofa had received tribute from the suburb towns in the past. The text is relevant in the analysis of the origin, migration and settlements of Offa people. It puts in place the chronological events of how Offa was established by the founder and the attraction the area gave to the people before the coming of the white men. The area had a record of success in term of population growth in spite of the incessant wars of conquest it experienced. The large concentration of people in Offa had contributed to her economic development. This had placed the area (Offa) in better advantage for economic prosperity within Ibolo Division up till 2008.
 

1.3: ỌFFA AND ILỌRIN: A DECADE OF WAR 
BRIEF: L. A. K Jimoh, in his book, ILORIN: The Journey So far, analyses the major cause of rivalry between Offa and Ilorin. 
He argues that the unilateral declaration of independence by Offa immediately after the Jalumi disaster of 1878 betrayed the Olofa’s disloyalty to Ilorin. It also reminded Ilorin of the two previous incidents in which Offa similarly collaborated with the enemies of Ilorin. The first occasion was the complicity of Offa in the Ogele War during which Kankanfo Toyeje of Ogbomosho led combined Yoruba armies to invade Ilorin only to be crushed at Ogele. The second was an alliance between Offa and the Yoruba under the leadership of Adegun, the Onikoyi, during which the duo attempted to invade Ilorin. 
Jimoh’s analysis explains the struggle between Offa and Ilorin which led to the demotion of Olofa district head in 1917 and its restoration in 1980 after a protracted struggle. This analysis provides an in-depth knowledge of the struggle between Offa and Ilorin. Also, it has given adequate information on the efforts made by members of the Offa Descendants’ Union (ODU), This task was led by J.S Olawoyin to restore the title of Olofa as a first class Oba in Kwara State.

EXTENSIVE: There are three identified causes of this nine years war which took place during the reign of Ọba Morounfolu Okunoye, the 14th Ọlọffa. It commenced in 1878 and was terminated 1889 - a period of eleven years. 
The first was the collapse of Ọtin Bridge. Second was the duo-betrayals of two Ọ̀ffà chiefs: Balógun Agídíako and Ọjọ́mu Gẹdẹngbẹ and the third, the "carry Qur'an to the sea (Lagos)" Jihad. 

Actually, Ọ̀ffà was not particularly at the centre of the century-long Yorùbá civil conflicts. However, it should be noted that it shared close proximity with Ilọrin, an extremely active player in the providence. As a result, Ọ̀ffà, one way or the other, played a significant role. As known, Ilọrin, through the activities of Afọnja, Sọlagbẹru and the succeeding Fulani rulers subjugated smaller Yorùbá entities under their control. Ọ̀ffà was one of such annexed kingdoms. 
Consequently, Ọ̀ffà was mandated to contribute a certain quota of soldiers to aid Ilọrin in her war efforts. This was the least case until 1878 when Ọba Morounfolu Okunoye refused to contribute his quota to aid Ilọrin in the Ikirun/Jalumi War of 1878, as he deemed contribution to such a war as unnecessary. This refusal by Ọ̀ffà, which led to the defect of Ilọrin and her allies led to a period of severe hostilities between Ọ̀ffà and Ilọrin, which culminated in the Ọ̀ffà-Ilọrin (1878-1889).

Ọ̀ffà seemed to bear the booth of the century-long civil strive in the entire Yorùbá land. 

Ilọrin originally had nothing to do with the Jalumi War, as it was direct confrontation between the Èkìtì and Ikirun. It was the Èkìtì that solicited the support of Ilọrin as well as the Ìjẹ̀sà. On the other hand, Ikirun formed alliance with both Ìbàdàn and Ẹ̀gbá. 
NEITHER OF THE PARTY INVITED ỌFFA TO BE PART OF THE WAR. 
Ìbàdàn, which had the greatest military might in Yorùbá land at the time, and also a long time enemy of Ilọrin, helped Ikirun to victory. After conquering the Ìjẹ̀sà camp, and much later, the Ẹ̀gbá camp, the Ìbàdàn soldiers went on to ransack and destroy the Ilọrin camp. A good number of Ilọrin soldiers who tried to escape the wrath of Ìbàdàn soldiers ran towards the Ọtin Bridge. The relentless Ìbàdàn soldiers pursued them and by the time the fleeing soldiers Ilọrin soldiers reached the river, the bridge was nowhere to be found. The fleeing soldiers inevitably plunged into the river in order to escape mutilation. Thousands of Ilọrin soldiers who could not swim lost their lives in addition to those that were already killed in the battle. It is from this incident of plunging into water (Ja Lu Omi) that the war was tagged Jalumi. 

The perfidious actions of Balógun Agídíako, a long standing enemy of Ọba Morounfolu Okunoye, convinced the then Emir of Ilọrin that Ọlọ́fa was the brain behind the collapse of Ọtin Bridge. He then pleaded allegiance to Ilọrin and urged them to attack Ọ̀ffà. The Ilọrin was livid about their defeat and severe losses didn't bother to verify the veracity of the clam and opted to attack the culprit, Ọlọ́fa. What's there to verify, anyway? A whole Balógun, one of the four principal chiefs and also chief of War couldn't have lied against his own king! 

Balógun Agídíako who was to become the instrument of treachery to Offa people was appointed by Okunoye to succeed his father Balógun Asegbe, as compensation for the support Balógun Asegbe gave to Okunoye to ascend the throne. As soon as Agídíako became Balógun, enmity began between him and Okunoye; Agídíako made frantic efforts to topple Okunoye as the Ọba. The military was highly respected at that time. It was during the enmity between Okunoye and Agídíako that the Ilọrin people went the Jalumi War.

Another version says, "afer the Jalumi War, Ilọrin wanted to go to war with Ẹrin-Ilé, Òkùkù, Inisa, Ijabẹ and as far a town as Ìbàdàn. Ilọrin army under the leadership of Balógun Karara solicited for Ọba Okunoye’s assistance, which was rejected, after three months of silence, Balógun Agídíako (the then head of Ọffa army) decided to meet Ọba Okunoye without success and this led to the movement of the former with his army people of Ilọrin. We were told that the on the way to Ilọrin, Agidiako met prince Oyewale; the don of Temileke, and killed him. Balogun Agidiako, on getting to Ilorin he informed the Ilorin people that he was the only ‘man’ in Ọ̀ffà having left, Ilọrin could wage war on Ọffa. Oba Okunoye solicited for the assistance of Ibadan (which was granted) to fight Ilọrin."

It's on record that Ọba Morounfolu Okunoye had earlier warned Emir Aliu of Ilọrin to avoid any form of confrontation with Ìbàdàn people because they were at the peak of their military strength and were the strongest military force in the Yorùbá land at the time. Consequently, the Ọlọ́fa refused to contribute his regular soldiers to Ilọrin's war effort. This was interpreted as dissent and insubordination. It was therefore not difficult for the Ilọrin to believe that Ọlọ́fa was a traitor that had collaborated with the enemy and orchestrated the collapse of the Ọtin Bridge, which ultimately accounted for the heavy defeat of the Ilọrin army in the Jalumi war. This strained the relationship that existed between Ọba Okunoye and Emir Aliu and subsequently resulted in war. 
 
Ilọrin people, being Fulani Muslims, desired to take their Jihad to Lagos. This made them launch attacks on several towns and villages in Yorùbá land, including Ọffa, under the tag "carrying Qur'an to the sea". Apart from their Jihad, there were unverified claims that Ilọrin people had an insatiable appetite for war. 
 
Ọ̀ffà was succumbed in 1889. Bashọrun Kaara ensured that no peace agreement was reached. 

Out of the nine years of the war, Oba Okunoye reigned for five years before he died.  Oba Adegboye took over from him, and fought four years as the Oba before he left town together with his chiefs and people. (For other details consult “gazetteer of Ilorin province“  by H.B Hermon Hodge pg. 99).
 
Stories of Ọba Morounfolu Okunoye and Ọba Adégbòye Atoloyetẹlẹ would be provided in 1.4.
Someone gives another, vivid account as thus: 
Facts about the Offa War [News Hub CreatorJun 20, 2020 1:49 PM]

“The troops of the Ilorin army who survived the Jalumi disaster re-grouped at Ojoku and encamped there to ponder over their misfortune, particularly over the mysterious disappearance of the bridge across the River Otin. There were strong indications that Offa was responsible for the sabotage because it similarly collaborated with Ilorin’s enemies in previous wars. Whatever doubts there might have been about Offa’s complicity in this sabotage was removed when, the... “…Oloffa of Offa, always ready to seize any favourable opportunity to revolt, owing to the machinations of an Ibadan by name Kaniki, thought this an excellent time to throw off the Ilorin yoke. On lbadan promising assistance, he declared his independence.” (Elphinstone; op. cit; p.18).

“This unilateral declaration of independence by Offa immediately after the Jalumi disaster portrayed the Oloffa’s disloyalty to Ilorin. It also reminded Ilorin of the two previous incidents in which Offa similarly collaborated with enemies of Ilorin. The first occasion was the complicity of Offa in the Ogele war during which Kakanfo Toyeje of Ogbomosho led combined Yoruba armies to invade Ilorin only to be crushed at Ogele. The second was an alliance of Offa with the Yorubas during the Mugba-Mugba war in which combined forces of the Yorubas under the leadership of Adegun, the Onikoyi, abortively attempted again to invade Ilorin.

“Offa's complicity in the Mugba-Mugba war caused the first sacking of the town by Ilorin at the end of that war. That sacking of Offa by Ilorin caused the Oloffa to flee to Ikoyi where he lived for years until he was pardoned by the Emir and allowed to return to his domain at the instance of the Onikoyi after the Pamo war.

“With these two incidents still fresh in the mind of Ilorin, the latest sabotage by Offa could not be pardoned. A decision to besiege the town was, therefore, taken. The siege lasted eleven years from 1878 till 1889 under the command of Ka’ara, the Balogun Gambari of Ilorin. 

“However, toward the end of the war several unsuccessful efforts were made to get Balogun Ka’ara to lift the siege to alleviate the resultant suffering to which Offa was being subjected. British colonial officials in Lagos even came to both Ilorin and Offa to join in the plea for the siege to be lifted. The British did so not because they loved Offa but because the siege was hampering the flow of trade between the hinterland and the coastal areas thereby hurting the commercial interests of the colonial administration in Lagos.

“The First colonial officer sent to Offa to negotiate terms of settlement between the two belligerent armies, that is, the Ilorin and the Offa/Ibadan armies, was one Reverend C. Phillips. He arrived at the warfront in Offa on 1st April, 1886 and was joined a day later by two other representatives of the Governor of Lagos. The negotiation was a protracted one and it involved Reverend Phillips shuttling between the two opposing camps for weeks. Not much was achieved by the negotiators because Balogun Ka’ara insisted that Ibadan troops should withdraw from Offa as a pre-condition for lifting the siege. The Oloffa, on the other hand, pleaded frantically that Ibadan troops should remain in Offa to protect the town against an onslaught by Ilorin.

“The following year, that is, in 1887, emissaries of the Emir of Gwandu also arrived in Ilorin to plead on behalf of the Sultan of Sokoto that the siege be lifted by Balogun Ka’ara. The Emir Aliyu Dan Shitta, was receptive to the Sultan’s plea but the Baloguns at the war-front would not yield. Mediatory efforts, however, continued and.......

“Later in 1889, Major Macdonald went to Ilorin to have an interview with the Emir. The latter seemed sympathetic, but Ka‘ara, who was on bad terms with this Emir, and doubtless feared the reception he would get at home if he did not return victorious, was resolved to continue the Offa war. He treated the various envoys sent to him including Captain Ferryman with scant respect, and demanded as a condition of peace that Ibadan should not only retire forthwith from Offa, but also hand over Ekiti country." (Hermon-Hodge; op. cit;p.72).
“At another meeting with representatives of the Governor, Balogun Ka’ara, with who were the other three Baloguns and some princes including Prince Momolosho who later became the immediate successor of the incumbent Emir, explained in detail why the Ilorin army would not lift the siege until Ibadan troops withdrew from Offa. His explanation as reported by Reverend Samuel Johnson, who was present on the occasion, went thus: ‘
“The Ilorins had been masters of several towns in the Oyo and Ekiti provinces and had their Ajeles (political Resident) in them; but the Ibadans had ousted them from every one of them and would like to oust them from Offa also. That he would agree to the armistice of six months only on condition that the Ibadans withdrew their contingents from Offa. He said however, that the Ibadans were remarkable for their treachery, ‘but could they equal the Fulanis for williness and cunning (political gimmick and diplomacy)? The Fulanis have seven different tricks, they have only used one as yet against Offa and Ibadan, before they have made use of the remaining six Offa will be taken.

“Two years ago the Emir of Gwandu sent his envoy here to mediate between us. We observed the armistice for five months. Not only did we suspend hostilities, but also allowed traders on both sides to carry on between Offa and Ilorin and even beyond. Unexpectedly the Ibadans shut their gates upon our traders; they refused to release them though we sent back their people to them.’

“He went on to say that the Ibadans were the common enemy of all, even the Alaafin, their King, was on friendly terms with Ilorin and had exchanged presents with the King of Ilorin. ‘If the Governor would interfere at all, let him bid the Ibadans retire from Ekiti and Ilorin territories.” (Johnson)*

”After this lengthy explanation, the Governor's delegates went to hear Offa’s side of the case. The Oloffa denied all the allegations which Balogun Ka’ara levelled against both Offa and Ibadan. He maintained that Ilorin was the real aggressor and that Ibadan got involved in the war just to protect Offa. He cautioned that any precipitate withdrawal of Ibadan troops from Offa might expose Offa people to annihilation by Ilorin troops.

“The delegation returned to Ilorin’s camp in the afternoon to resume discussion with Balogun Ka’ara. The meeting began with Balogun Ka’ara introducing to them those who were present with him at the meeting thus:

“Sitting on my left are the Balogun of the Fulanis; Ajikobi, the Balogun of the Yorubas and, last in order, the Balogun of the 4th Standard of the Ilorin army, I, myself being the Balogun of the Gambaris. Sitting before me are Agidiako, the Balogun of Offa who deserted to me at the rebellion of the King of Offa; next to him is Ogunmodede, the head of the Ijesha contingents here. Sitting on my right are Princes, the King’s brothers. Now go on to deliver your message.” (Johnson)*

Unfortunately, the high tone of the address by the leader of the delegation angered and provoked Balogun Ka’ara and members of his war council. The Balogun, therefore, reacted sharply accusing the delegation of partiality and being secret agents of Offa. He ordered it to return to Lagos, its master's station, immediately with the following pompous warning:

“If you choose to remain at Offa you shall see what we can do. In a few days we shall take Offa, and you, if you remain there, you will be taken. If you loiter on your way back to Offa the horsemen will be upon you.” (Johnson)*

“The following day, true to Ka’ara’s words and to show the Lagos delegation that the warning was not an empty boast; the Ilorin cavalry furiously attacked Offa and sacked the town. Hundreds of people were killed in the gruesome encounter which was reported as follows:

“When Offa was eventually captured in 1891, wholesale slaughter took place and the town was deserted, Oloffa and survivors fleeing south to Ido-Osun. There they built a new town [Ọ̀ffàtẹdo]." (Hermon-Hodge; op. cit; p.72)

”This new town built by the people of Offa was named Ọ̀ffàtẹdo. At the end of the war, Balogun Ka’ara showed no intention of returning to Ilorin immediately. He defied the Emir’s order on him to do so. This intransigence aroused fears and suspicion in Ilorin about the Balogun’s real intention. Rumours filled the air that he was planning to make himself an Emir in Offa. This rumour strained relationship between him and the Emir, Emir Aliyu. But soon after this development, Emir Aliyu died and Prince Momo, who was at the battle front with Balogun Ka’ara in Offa, was chosen as the new Emir. Balogun Ka’ara, who was instrumental to the decision, was pleased with the selection of Prince Abdulsalami Momolosho as the new Emir. He was optimistic that Prince Momo, being a friend and a comrade-in-arms at the Offa war-front throughout the duration of the war, would support war and be favourably disposed toward the Baloguns.
“Ka’ara, therefore made very elaborate arrangements for Momo’s triumphant entry into Ilorin and for his installation as the Emir.
“Nearly everybody who could be spared in the camp at Offa was ordered to escort the Emir-designate to Ilorin in a grandeur that was unprecedented in the history of Ilorin. The entourage was virtually limitless. Several hundreds of people also joined it along the route. So large was the entourage that the Emir-elect was: “….said to have returned to Ilorin with an escort of 20,000 foot and 20,000 horses.” (Hermon-Hodge)

“But Ka'ara’s hopes of having a subservient Emir in Momo were soon dashed. Momo turned out to be a completely different person as soon as he became Emir. The new Emir opposed war and was particularly conciliatory in his dealings with the Yorubas, including the Ibadans. He also condemned Ka’ara’s intransigence and hard-line posture on the issue of allowing Offa refugees at Ido-Osun to return to Offa. Shocked and disappointed by Oba Momo’s pacifism, Balogun Ka’ara began making preparations to return to Ilorin. He actually dispatched an advance team to put his residence in Ilorin in shape before he himself arrived.

“The Emir was not comfortable about this development. He was suspicious of and apprehensive about the Balogun’s real intention. It was feared that Balogun Ka’ara will attempt to overthrow the Emir. But to the Emir’s relief, the Balogun never lived to return to Ilorin. He died mysteriously in his sleep shortly thereafter at Idofian, where he passed the night in order to arrive in Ilorin in day-time. His death was a big relief to Oba Momo, the Emir.
 
“With Ka’ara dead, Oba Momo intensified his pacific romance with the Oyos and with the British Administration in Lagos. This angered the remaining Baloguns and the other war chiefs, who with the late Balogun Ka`ara, really saw hell in the numerous wars between Ilorin and the Yorubas.

“This was the beginning of the disaffection between the Emir and his war chiefs which culminated in the revolt against him by the Baloguns in 1895. When Oba Momo was eventually overthrown early in 1896, he was succeeded by Oba Suleiman. The new Emir, drawing his lesson from the fate of his predecessor, was more diplomatic in his dealings with the aggrieved Baloguns. However, he, too, was conciliatory towards the Offas. Eventually, in response to pressure by the colonial authorities in Lagos,

“In 1902, the Emir invited the Oloffa Adegboye to return, and Offa was rebuilt.” (Hermon-Hodge)
 

1.4: FORMATION OF ỌFFATẸDO IN ỌSUN STATE
 Mo s'Ọ̀ffà s'Ọ̀ffà, ìgbà tí ó tó, mo bá wọn tún ṣe Ido-Ọsun létí Ẹdẹ

Ọba Adégbòye Atoloyetẹlẹ  became the next Ọlọ́fa in 1882. The Friday following the day of his father’s Burial, Okunoye. The war between Ọ̀ffà and Ilọrin continued and five years after, the war was still on.

At this point, Balógun Karara of Ilọrin had to call on Agídíako to justify his claim that after his exit from Ọ̀ffà, there was no man left in Ọ̀ffà. Offa was assisted by Ogbómoṣọ́ and because of their anxiety to defeat Ilọrin; a lot of casualties was recorded on the side of the former i.e. the Ogbómoṣọ́'s. It must, however, be emphasized that the assistance granted by the Ogbómoṣọ́ strengthened the relationship between Ọ̀ffà and Ogbómoṣọ́ people till today. 

During the war, Ọ̀ffà women also fought like men, which manifested as very significant contributions. That day became known as in history as “Ọjọ́ ogun ojo”. It is also called Jakuta war because Ọ̀ffà women used stones to fight the Ilọrin people when guns won't fire due to rain. 

 It was during this war that Ọjọ́mu Òrìṣàsọna, the Ọjọ́mu Gẹdẹngbẹ of Ọffa sent a message to Ilọrin suggesting to Ilorin to make a friendship with Ìbàdàn so that Offa will be captured. (See the History of Yoruba’s by Rev. Samuel John and edited by Dr. O. Johnson (pg. 504-505).

Ilọrin took advantage of his information and sent message to Ìbàdàn to release Ọ̀ffà to them. At this period Ìbàdàn loved Ọ̀ffà; but because of the prolonged period of the war the former agreed with Ilọrin since her army wanted to return home. The army from Ìbàdàn sent to Ọlọ́fa that they were proceeding home but promised to send another set of people to continue the war. We were told that Ìbàdàn people informed the newly selected people that as soon as they got to the war, they should endeavor a to cunningly withdraw. This information got to Ọba Atoloyetẹlẹ and some of his people officially through the Ìbàdàn camp at Ilọrin. 

On receiving the news, Oba Atoloyetẹlẹ started packing but along the line he got information that the replacement of Ìbàdàn and Òkùkù had come. The good news was passed to Ọ̀ffà people. At the point when Ọ̀ffà people were in search of accommodation for the army from Ìbàdàn, Ọlọ́fa was informed that Ọ̀ffà will be deserted the following day, and so he was advised not to sleep in Ọ̀ffà that day. Ọba Atoloyetẹlẹ called his people on the night of the said day to relay the bad news and his decision to leave, as he would not want to be captured by Ilọrin. On the night of his departure, a well-dressed horse was tied to a stake and the environment was well lit. When Ọ̀ffà people heard the news that Ọlọ́fa had gone, they visited Ọlọ́fa's palace to confirm. On getting there they saw the well-dressed Ọlọ́fa's horse and so Ọ̀ffà people felt quite happy, that after all Ọlọ́fa was still around.

By the time, Ọ̀ffà people knew indeed Ọba Atoloyetẹlẹ had gone, it was almost morning and the army from Ilọrin had surrounded Ọ̀ffà. The Ọ̀ffà people could no longer escape. At this point the army from Ilọrin moved in to capture to capture Ọ̀ffà people including Ọjọ́mu Òrìṣàsọna who had earlier betrayed Ọ̀ffà people. The promise made by Ilọrin to Ọjọ́mu Òrìṣàsọna was not fulfilled. The said day was terrible. The archers who were also keeping vigil at the farms at Ìyẹ̀ku (in front of Ìgbàye, Ọsun State) had to abandon the farms and proceed to Ido-Ọsun in their army uniform known as “Gberi Ode”.

On the very day Ọba Adégbòye left Ọ̀ffà, he went to Èkó-Ende where he proceeded to Ikirun and then Osogbo. With the assistance of Balógun Ọsungbẹkun of Ìbàdàn, Ọba Adégbòye settle down at a place later named Ọ̀ffàtẹdo. 
 
Some say Ọba Adégbòye's decision to proceed towards Ìbàdàn was informed by his preference to be enslaved by Ìbàdàn (Yorùbá people) rather than be captured by Ilọrin (Fulani). Indeed, because of the love Ìbàdàn people had for Ọ̀ffà people rather than being enslaved, they were made to become independent. 

A period between 15 and 19 years was spent by Ọ̀ffà people at Ido-Osun. 
Moshood (2016), in his book Elegance Dreamers (Ají Lá'lá Ọ̀sọ́): A Handbook on Ẹdẹ wrote that Ọ̀ffàtẹdo came to being during Ọba Sangolami Ábíbù Lagunju. "The Ọlọ́fa with his scattered army first camp in Ẹdẹ and this made Ọba Lagunju to resettle the Ọlọ́fa and his people on a separate landmass known and called Ọ̀ffàtẹdo".

Given eyewitnesses' accounts, Professor Jimoh Mosọbaje Ọyawòye, in his autobiography titled Path of Destiny (The Memoirs of Jimoh Mosọbaje Ọlalòye Ọyawòye) wrote on this:

"The llọrin-Ọffa war was part of the Èkìtì-Ilọrin-Ìjẹ̀sà war. After the sacking of Ọ̀yọ́ and the conquest of Ilọrin by the Fulanis, they pushing further into Yorùbá land by opening new war fronts in Ọ̀ffà and other parts of Yorùbá land, notably Èkìtì. 

"But the actual war with Ọ̀ffà started with the Èkìtìs' insurgence on the Ìbàdàns in retaliation for what they called "earlier oppression by Ìbàdàn." Finding an ally in the Ìjẹ̀sàs and supported by the Ilọrin, they had mounted an offensive with the aim of wrestling from the Ìbàdàns  all her subject towns, including, other Ọ̀yọ́ towns, under her protection, notably Ọ̀ffà.

"The Ìbàdàns firmly stood against the Èkìtìs-Ìjẹ̀sàs-Ilọrin confederate and actually routed them. But it was llọrin that suffered the greatest casualty as thousands of her cavalries fell at the famous Jalumi war. Ilọrin wanted to take out her misfortune on Ẹrinlé. Karara, the llọrin generalissmo, requested a safe passage from Ọlọfa for his army to pass through Ọ̀ffà to Ẹrinlé which llọrin accused of sabotaging the river crossing at Ọtin on a revenge campaign. Ọ̀ffà declined their request, explaining that Ẹrinlé was a subject town under Ọ̀ffà which they must protect. The initial Èkìtìs' insurgence eventually snowballed into an Ilọrin-Ọ̀ffà war as Balogun Karara, the infamous Ilọrin generalissimo, sought revenge on Ọffa itself for the calamity suffered by his troops at Odo Ọtín.

"The campaigns on both fronts had gone on for several years and there were signs of fatigue in both the camps of the invaders and the defenders on the two fronts. The closing events as given in Rev. Johnson's The History of the Yorùbá are not only confusing but also incorrect, at least in the case of the Ọ̀ffà-Ilọrin front. What I was told by Ọ̀ffà elders, who witnessed the events leading to the evacuation of Ọffa, agreed more with Rev. J. B. Ọ̀lafimihan's account in Ìwé Ìtàn Ọ̀ffà.
 
"Ọ̀ffà did not surrender during the war, neither was she defeated. Ìbàdàn warriors were not present in Ọ̀ffà, but were encamped at Ikirun. They were there to prevent the overrun of those villages and towns just in case Ọ̀ffà caved in. Just as the Ìjẹ̀sàs at the Èkìtì front were seeking an honourable peace treaty with Generalissimo Karara, so was Ìbàdàn. lt was clear that there was a stalemate; both sides were war weary. 
"The war had been ongoing for nine years - the last four years of it under the command of Ọba Adegboye, my grandtather. Some chiefs were still disgruntled over the manner in which Ọba Adegboye ascended the throne, immediately succeeding his father as Ọlọfa: though most of the Ọ̀ffà population had reconciled themselves to their new powerful Ọba. They were satisfied with his effective conduct of the war. Morale was low in the Ilọrin camp, especially when Karara's first son, Dende, was killed during one of the last encounters with the Ọ̀ffà army. To lift the spirits of his army, Karara vowed to capture Ọ̀ffà the folowing day, falling which he himself would not live; the campaign took place. The conflict was intense but Generalissimo Karara failed to defeat Ọ̀ffà army as he had boasted. 
”Furthermore, he failed to commit suicide as he had vowed. Morale was totally shattered among his fighters. Then, the llọrin generalissimo resorted to subterfuge. He entered into a secret arrangement wIth one of the disgruntled Ọ̀ffà chiefs, Ọjọ́mu Òrìṣàsọna of Ọjọ́mu Gẹdẹgbẹ, who agreed to open one of the four Ọ̀ffà gates under him to Karara and his army to enter Ọ̀ffà.

"Ọba Adegboye had an elective network of informers. One of his Oríkì, recorded by Rev. J. B. Olafimihan (in page 45 of his book) testifies to this: "Má bu u, ma sá a, òrìṣà ni. A kìí bu baba, a kìí sọ̀rọ̀ rẹ lẹhin, Olukitibi t'aa bù lẹhin tó si gbọ́, Sunmíbọlá a b'eti lu kára bi ajere: ('No one derides him and no one backbite him unpunished. He is a god with ears with over his body. Dare not speak ill of  Olukitibi behind his back, he wil hear it; Sunmíbọlá, man with ears all over his body like a sieve"). When the details of the agreement between Generalissirmo Karara and Ọjọ́mu Òrìṣàsọna reached the king, he knew that he wouid be betrayed the following day and that one of the Ọ̀ffà gates wouid be opened to allow Karara and the Ilọrin army to enter Ọ̀ffà.

"The king convened a meeting of his closest chiefs that night and informed them of the matter. Most of these loyal chiefs and important Ọ̀ffà leaders and generals resolved that they should leave the town that night. To deceive Ilọrin informers and other traitors, the Oba's favourite horse was saddled, dressed and decorated and left standing at the main court of the Palace; a lit lamp was placed by the entrance to the palace. The following morning, before dawn, the Ọba, some loyal Ọ̀ffà chiefs, army Commanders and the palace wives and members of other important families left Ọ̀ffà to link up with the Ìbàdàn army.

"I was told by my mother that when they arrived at Ikirun, Ọba  Adegboye sent a message to the then Akirun (the Ọba of lkirun) to advise him of his arrival in Ikirun. The Akirun did not come to welcome him; instead, he sent a reply with the exclamation "To! Bo ti da nùun. Ẹ bá mi ki Baba ó" (Oh! lt has come to that. Greet our father for me.)

"Ọlọfa was angry at the insulting response from Akirun and he retorted, "Èmi àwaye ma jìyà ri, ọmọ Okunoye, A ni sùn níhìn-ín" (I, a descendant of Okunoye, who since birth has sufered no insults; we wili not sleep here) That was the occasion on which he gave himself that famous appellation. 
"Historical account of the incident reports that they marched on. Eventually, they stopped near Ido-Osun and settled at a site christened Ọfa-tẹdo (Ọ̀ffà settlements).

Offa's decision to leave the town was sudden. As already related, it was taken at the meeting of some loyal Ọ̀ffà chiefs when they got to know of Ọjọ́mu Ṣàsọna's betrayal and conspiracy with Generalissimo Karara to open Ọ̀ffà gate under his control to let in Karara and the Ilorin army that morning. The main Ọ̀ffà army was said to be at Aboto when they heard that the king had left Ọ̀ffà. They did not come back to Ọ̀ffà, but instead passed through Ira to join the Ọ̀ffà refugee party on the march.

"What Karara promised Ọjọ́mu Òrìṣàsọna for his betrayal of his king and Ọ̀ffà town was never revealed. However, what Karara did in anger when he discovered that Ọlọfa had left the town could not have been what he promised. Karara ordered him and some Ọ̀ffà Chiefs and high ranking people left behind to be brought to the centre of the town to be taken to Ilọrin. Once in the town centre, they were laid on their sides and slaughtered callously like rams, one after the other."

* Path of Destiny page 2-5  

1.5: THE RETURN TO Ọ̀FFÀ-ILÉ 
At the time Ọ̀ffà people move to Ọ̀ffàtẹ̀dó, Alimi was the Emir of Ilọrin and he was succeded by Emir Monmon (Muhammad). Emir Monmon pleaded with Ọba Adégbóye to return but he refused. Emir Sule (Suleiman) who succeeded Monmon also pleaded with Ọba Adégbóye for the return of people to Ọ̀ffà and the offer was again rejected.

Thereafter, Ọba Adégbóye was approached by Captain Bower who was then the “District Officer” if he wanted to return home. Ọba rejected initially; but after continuous plea by Captain Bower, Ọba Adégbóye reconsidered his position and return home, particularly in view of the promise by Ilorin that Ọ̀ffà people will no longer be disturbed.

The decision to return home by Oba Adégbóye and some of his followers was not well received by Ìbàdàn people. Ọba Adégbóye had to apologize to his friends. The Ìbàdàn people for his decision to return home and Ọ̀ffà people left Ido-Ọsun in 1900. 
On the day Ọba Adégbóye was to leave Ọ̀ffàtẹ̀dó. Some of his people refused to go with him. This did not go down well with Ọba Adégbóye and he had to curse the people concerned.

On getting to Ọ̀ffà, Ọba Adégbóye met Ọtakògbàye or Arookan on the throne as Ọba. The latter was one of the sons of Olugbensẹ and so there was no room for Adégbóye since there could not be two Ọbas in a town. Ọba Adégbóye had to leave Ọ̀ffà on the 6th day to settle at Òkùkù for a year. The place he stayed is named Isalẹ Ọ̀ffà in Òkùkù till date.

He went back to Ọ̀ffà in 1901, when he was finally declared as being the appropriate person to occupy the throne. Ọba Adégbóye was said to have ruled the whole for a period of about 25 years on the throne, including the years in Ọ̀ffàtẹdo. 

Wednesday, November 18, 2020

Nigerian's Four Air Plane Hijackers




Just two months into the fìdíhé (interim) government of Chief Ernest Shonekan who was battling almost fruitlessly to salvage the floundering image of a nation then in turmoil. Four Nigerian youths, Richard Ogunderu, Kabir Adenuga, Bennet Oluwadaisi and Kenny Rasaq-Lawal under the aegis of Movement for the Advancement of Democracy in Nigeria (MAD), led by one Jerry Yusuf, hijacked a Nigeria Airways Airbus on October 25, 1993 to show resentment against the annulment of the  June 12 election and the excesses of military dictatorship in Nigeria.


The four teens smuggled guns and explosives into the plane in Lagos, enroute Abuja. But midway into the flight, just about 30,000 feet above sea level, the boys signalled to themselves beckoning on the group leader to strike. Richard Ogunderu who had just completed his secondary education in ondo, trod to the cockpit and seized the process, he picked the microphone and announced thus; 


“Ladies and gentlemen, this plane has been taken over by the Movement for the Advancement of Democracy,” the rather tiny voice said. “Remain calm, we will not harm you. You will be told where the plane will land you.”


Passengers aboard the aircraft, including top businessmen and senior government officials, were bewildered to hear a voice, different from that of the pilot, addressing them in the moments that followed.


The teens had planned to divert the plane to Frankfurt, Germany, but the pilot reckon that the aircraft doesn't have sufficient fuel for the trip so an impromptu change of plans landed the aircraft in Niamey, Niger with the hope to refill the aircraft but then hundreds of Nigerien gendarmes had secured the airport on arrival.


 The boys some of which had no prior experience of traveling in a plane were dauntless, in the days that followed they separated government officials, women and children as negotiation begins with the Nigerian government, the hijackers demand was definite they want the Nigerian government to overturn the annulment of the June 12 election and swear in MKO Abiola, the acclaimed winner of the election.


They gave the government 72 hours to meet their demands or else they would set the plane ablaze. However, they allowed 34 passengers to go and held onto the remaining 159 among whom were top Nigerian government officials.


The four musketeers held on to the plane for some days, trailed by bait negotiations until the gendarmes stormed the plane in the night, leading to the death of one person and the arrest of the four youngsters.


They later served a nine-year prison term in a Niamey, Niger prison. Through advocacy by the media and the human rights community, they were finally released after nine harrowing years behind bars. 


#Happeningsinogun #history

Sunday, July 5, 2020

Oba Okunade Shijuwade's Life-time



His Imperial Majesty Oba Okunade Sijuwade was born on the 1st of January, 1930 to a great royal family in the Ogboru house, Ilare, Ile-Ife. The last Ooni of Ife that the Ogboru ruling house presented (before the incumbent) reigned in Ife for many years as Sijuwade Adelekan Olubuse I. He was the first Ooni to venture out of his domain. At the invitation of the colonial Governor he visited Lagos in 1903 to give his ruling on whether the Oba Elepe of Epe was entitled to wear a crown which was earlier refused by Oba Akarigbo of Remo. Oba Adelekan was the father of the late “Omo-Oba“ Adereti Sijuwade, the father of Oba Sijuwade Olubuse II- the present Ooni of Ife. His mother was the late Yeyelori, Emilia Ifasesin Sijuwade.
Prince Okunade Sijuwade as he was then called, started his elementary education at Igbein school, Abeokuta, an institution owned by the CMS mission. He lived with his other brother under the care of their father’s good friend Chief G. A. Adedayo and his family. Chief Adebayo was the secretary to the Egba council, under the Asoju Oba. After his elementary school education he proceeded to Abeokuta Grammar school, under the well-known educationist, The Rev. I. O. Ransome Kuti who was the principal of the school.
Early in life, Prince Okunade Sijuwade was conscious of his royal birth, and his carriage, even in school, was of one who was destined to wear the crown.
Once, at Abeokuta Grammar school, the Reverend Ransome Kuti wanted to flog the young Sijuwade for some misdemeanour. As the principal raised his whip, the young prince dared the famous disciplinarian to hit a ‘king’.
This did not of course stop Reverend Kuti from meting out what he considered appropriate punishment to the erring young man who was nonetheless satisfied that he has made his point. He left Abeokuta Grammar school after five years and got transferred to Oduduwa college in Ile-Ife to complete his studies under the Reverend S. A. Adeyefa. On his first day at school, mistaken for one of the new teachers and in no hurry to correct the impression, young Sijuwade took over the class in which he was supposed to be a student. In spite of his royal posturing and youthful pranks, Prince Sijuwade is remembered by many of his classmates as a particularly diligent student and quite mature for his age . Because of his relative access to money the prince was able to acquire many good things of life, especially clothes. He was a trend...
setter in school. He was one of the few students in Oduduwa college, who were familiar with the life in Lagos at that time, as today, the centre of good life in Nigeria.
On leaving Oduduwa College, the young prince joined his father’s business for about three years after which the elder Sijuwade, convinced that his son had acquired sufficient on-the-job training, decided he should proceed for a course of study overseas. Before he left however, the young man on his own volition decided he needed to have journalistic training.
He joined The Nigerian Tribune where he spent two years, first as a reporter and later as a sales executive. Thereafter, he proceeded to the United Kingdom in the early fifties to undertake a course of training in Business Management.
His training was essentially in Northampton and with the Leventis Group in Manchester in 1957. He also participated in advanced business management training programmes with companies in Italy, Greece, Cyprus, Scotland, West Germany and Israel. Armed with the immense experience he acquired in these places he returned to Nigeria a few years later to lunch a career in business.
Prince Sijuwade’s business career was marked by more than average fortune. Endowed with an agile mind, highly motivated and possessed of an iron-will, courage and prodigious industry, the prince was certainly destined for success. And so he drove himself to limits that would seriously test all but the most dogged. Early in his career he decided he could do with no more than four hours sleep and that distance would prevent him from accomplishing his goals. Even today, with the enormous demand on his time in several places, some of them several miles apart he maintains a travelling schedule that even the most peripatetic would consider punitive.
Shortly after Prince Sijuwade returned to Nigeria , he was appointed the Sales Manager of Leventis Motors in Western Nigeria with its headquarters in Ibadan. By 1960, with Nigerian Independence, he became an adviser to the Leventis Group.
            
In 1963, the government of Western Nigeria , now getting increasingly involved in a lot of industrial activities in the country approached the Leventis Group to release the prince for five years to help in re-organisation of some of their companies. The request was reluctantly granted after month of hard negotiation by the then Chairman of the Leventis Group, Chief A. G. Leventis who considered the young Prince Sijuwade as an asset to their organization. The Leventis Group made the Western Nigeria Government promise to let the prince return to his organization at the end of assignment.
Prince Sijuwade’s first assignment with the government was as Sales Director of National Motor in Lagos. He subsequently headed the management of the company with numerous Nigerian and expatriate staff under him .
In 1964 , he undertook an extensive international tour to look into the possibilities of acquiring better products for National Motors. One of the places he visited was the Soviet Union whose cars he believed would sell well in Nigeria, because they were relatively cheap and appeared durable.
When he returned to Nigeria and reported to his employers, they were not as enthusiastic about the business proposal, because the government was not at this time well disposed to trade with the Russians. Rather than feel disappointed Prince Sijuwade, smart businessman that he was, immediately saw a business opportunity and seized it.
He formed a company along with three friends; the company, WAATECO, was to become in a few years the sole distributor of soviet-made vehicles, tractors and engineering equipment in Nigeria with at least fifty Russians on its staff and a dozen branches all over Nigeria.
This small beginning marked the start of trade with the Soviet Union in Nigeria, and for Prince Sijuwade the birth of a business empire that was to include at least fifty companies.
Two years after WAATECO was set up, Prince Sijuwade offered the Soviet Union 40 per cent equity participation in the company. Of course, the Russians did not hesitate since the company was doing well. Business with the Russians was to grow many hundred folds in the next decade and a half.
It is a credit to his acumen in business that while trade with the Russians expanded, his business contacts in the capitalist West continued to grow and develop. He was being seasoned in the tough world of business.
While he was setting up his own company he continued his efforts to help re-organise the government-owned National Motors and by 1965 the company began showing a profit. The political turmoil in the country following the coup of January 1966 and the counter-coup of July the same year brought his good friend (Rtd) Major General Robert Adebayo (then Colonel) to office as Governor of the Western Region.
Sensitive to the possibility of having a disagreement with his fiend over a public issue he decided that it was best to resign his appointment as an employee of the Government of Western Nigeria. He subsequently left the service of the government and went fully into business on his own. With this resolve, he now explored with fresh zeal his many contacts within Nigeria and on the international scene and revitalized business possibilities which time had not allowed him to exploit while working with the government.
Within ten years his activities stretched far and wide, and to keep in touch with the various commercial capitals of the world he moved the headquarters of his operations to the United Kingdom n 1973. Now he was truly where he wanted to be in the business world; the world was, as it were, his oyster.
With his business now firmly established internationally he decided to establish a stronger footing in his home tow, Ile-Ife. He embarked on two major projects in the town which turned out to be a wise decision both from a business angle and as a means of enhancing his image in his community.
A modern housing estate which he built in one of the quieter and newer parts of the town was to provide housing for senior staff of the University of Ife, and help relieve the University’s acute staff housing shortage. It was for prince Sijuwade not only a business investment but a contribution to the development of the University and his home town.
It was the same thinking that inspired his decision to build a first class motel for V.I.P. visitors to Ife, the Motel Royal. This also turned to be a far-sighted decision because at his coronation a few years later, when the town played host to thousands of guests, the accommodation problem was not nearly as chaotic as it might have been.
Urban, relaxed and self confident, Prince Sijuwade had a wealth of experience from which to draw and was at home in boardrooms both in Nigeria and in leading capitals al the world. He had a large international circle of friends, contacts and business associates. It was often dispassionate, well informed and judicious, precisely the qualities required of a traditional ruler in a pluralistic society like ours.
As a businessman, Prince Sijuwade maintained a diverse social, political, ethnic and ideological group of friends in Nigeria and abroad. He genuinely enjoys playing host and is equally at home in small groups as in large gatherings. He enjoys traveling and has visited most countries of the world.
He relaxes by swimming, horse-riding, table-tennis and having intellectual discussions with small groups.
The career of Oba Sijuwade can be divided conveniently into two parts: the first was as a dashing young Prince and the other began in 1980, when he ascended the throne of the “ Holy City of the Yoruba” to borrow Leo Frobenius’ apt description of Ife.
These two segments of one active and productive life are not separate or apart, indeed one fertilized the other. His training and experience as a prince today serve well in the great task of reigning In a society that is being increasingly modernized; at the same time, he maintains the prime position of Arole oduduwa, the Keeper of the seal of Yoruba.
Since he ascended the throne, Oba Sjuwade has been a worthy ambassador-at-large Nigeria and a symbol of pride for the Yoruba.
But the life of great men is not immune from the vagaries of mortal existence. There have been various experiences in the life of Oba Sijuwade that have been trying. Although he has borne them with great courage they have no doubt made an indelible mark in his life.
A major force in the life of Oba Sijuwade was the beloved Yeyeluwa of Ife, Olori Oyetunde Sijuwade- a remarkable woman, always cheerful and hospital. She was for many years of blissful relationship provided a stable, enviable matrimonial haven. Thus when she answered the celestial call in August 1986 it was a major blow.
His Imperial Majesty bore adversity with dignity and composure in keeping with age long Yoruba tradition that the Oba never mourns. He was in fact the one who consoled and pacified mourners. May her soul rest in peace.